"Rotten government"/ Arben Malaj: Rama's resignation, a completely achievable objective
Former Minister of Finance, Arben Malaj, has reacted to th...
Former Minister of Finance, Arben Malaj, has reacted to th...

Those who regularly follow the prime minister's Instagram are probably surprised that in the photo album he published in honor of the martyrs on May 5, a picture of Erion Veliaj bowing in front of the Mother Albania monument was also published.
In the not at all random selection of images, it seemed as if an attempt was being made to keep the controversy alive as to whether or not he sold his dolphin.
A few days ago, of course not innocently, with another publication worthy of the retouching of the Stalinist times, Rama deleted the mayor from the joint family photo with Ali Ahmet.
This game, typical of dictators, sometimes with support and sometimes with distancing, is keeping the communication with the public anxious, since the "5D" scandal broke, that of the directors of the municipality who robbed the budget money to send it in favor of the company their private.
Sometimes it seems as if Rama supports him and then as if he releases Veliaj's corpse to the hungry crowds. In one case, he organizes a joint statement, where he claims that he agrees "with words and commas" with Lal's version, that his subordinates also lied, while in the other case he does not hesitate to encourage SPAK to "take out the water of mourning" corruption in the municipality of Tirana.

In a visit to the center of the capital, he avoids his first one from the protocol, while in another event he "allows" him to be part of the ceremony.
These flips, worthy of the games of Russian mountains, bring to mind the couple relationship of two of the most prominent leaders of Albanian communism, wonderfully described in one of the masterpieces of Albanian memoirist political literature. In his book, "Vjeshta e ankthi", the son of former Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu, Bashkimi, shows the last days before his father's death and the anxiety with which the family perceived the sometimes negative and sometimes positive signals that the first secretary gave them. . One day Enveri scolded Mehmet, reminding him that his mistakes were not accidental and when the latter was convinced that his fate was determined, he gave him hope by beating his arms, as his contributions to the party were irreplaceable. .
Exactly that fall, the anxiety of the man who knows that his fate is in the hands of someone else, who can make the rain and the sun at the same time, you remember when you see the cat and mouse game that is torturing Erion Veliaj. Times and circumstances are different, but the omnipotence of the one who has the power to decide your destiny remains the same.
Of course, the evocation of this association, however interesting the psychological test of tyrants' relationships with those around them, is not intended to experiment in this direction. The only similarity is that in dictatorial or authoritarian regimes, the fate of political allies or opponents, that of subordinates or enemies, is not in the hands of the institutions, but prey to the calculations, interests or whims of the one who has the power to play with him.
This is best proven in the coverage of our media, online newspapers and evening political shows, every signal, symbol or message that Edi Rama gives against Veliaj. A publication of a photo, or the opposite, a retouching of it, an appearance next to the leader or an escape from it, a supportive or condescending phrase, turn into a public event.

Until now, how many articles or shows have been made, starting from these clues, having as the only topic: will Rama release Veliaj or not? It is precisely this fact that shows in which office the fate of the mayor is really decided. Every time this question is raised, in an almost unconscious way, either the supporters of this government, who are in the majority and ardent supporters of SPAK, or those who are their critics, almost instinctively accept the omnipotence of Edi Rama.
This is enough, yes, yes, even if only this, to understand that the future of Veliaj will not depend on the files of the prosecutors, nor on the missing 130 million of the incinerator, nor on the 30 million tenders of Qato, Molla and Tusha , but from the calculations of a single man. Before it is a problem of justice, in a regime like ours, Lal's file is political. Therefore, this spring, he and all those around him are anxiously watching the conflicting signals of a game like the one Hoxha once played with Shehu.
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