Protests, political alternatives and the Albanian kingdom
It's been almost a month and the civic protest continues t...

Një muaj sot dhe protesta nuk e rrëzoi pushtetin. Nuk e rrëzoi as opozitën. Por ka një arritje të jashtëzakonshme. Tregoi se poli i tretë është më pranë se kurrë, pavarësisht se Shqipëria politike vazhdon të funksionojë sipas skenarëve të vjetër.
Realiteti i ri nuk është ai që përshkruan qeveria, sipas së cilës protestat ishin një dështim. Nuk është as ai që shpall opozita, sipas së cilës vendi ndodhet në prag të ndryshimit.
Realiteti i ri është më kompleks dhe më i pakëndshëm për të gjithë.
Qeveria e kuptoi se kontrolli institucional nuk është më i barabartë me kontrollin politik. Mund të zotërosh parlamentin, administratën dhe pushtetin vendor, por nuk mund të kontrollosh pafundësisht perceptimin publik. Sa më shumë pushtet grumbullohet, aq më i madh bëhet rreziku i konsumimit të tij. Arroganca nuk është më shenjë force, por simptoma e frikës se kontrolli po rrëshqet.
Opozita, nga ana tjetër, provoi se mobilizimi nuk është i njëjtë me alternativa. Turmat krijojnë presion, por jo domosdoshmërisht besim. Një protestë mund të mbushë sheshin për një ditë, por nuk mbush boshllëkun e vizionit për vitet që vijnë. Shqiptarët nuk kërkojnë vetëm të largohet dikush; ata kërkojnë të dinë kush dhe si do ta zëvendësojë.
Ndërkohë, qytetarët dhanë mesazhin më të rëndësishëm. Ata nuk janë më ushtarë të bindur të partive. Ata lëvizin, afrohen ose largohen, mbështesin ose refuzojnë, sipas interesit, besimit dhe pritshmërive të tyre. Besnikëria politike nuk është më e garantuar. Ajo duhet fituar çdo ditë.
Protestuesit, kanë disa merita të rëndësishme në ndryshimin e realitetit politik shqiptar.
Së pari, thyen narrativën e paprekshmërisë së pushtetit. Një muaj protesta tregoi se edhe një pushtet me shumicë të fortë parlamentare, kontroll institucional dhe dominim të hapësirës mediatike nuk është imun ndaj presionit publik. Protestat e rikthyen qytetarin në qendër të debatit politik dhe detyruan qeverinë të kalojë nga vetëbesimi në mbrojtje, duke reaguar vazhdimisht ndaj zhvillimeve në terren.
Së dyti, rikthyen protestën si instrument legjitim demokratik, pasi për vite me radhë ishte krijuar bindja se protestat nuk ndryshonin asgjë. Mobilizimi i fundit tregoi se pjesëmarrja qytetare mbetet një mekanizëm i rëndësishëm kontrolli ndaj pushtetit. Edhe pa sjellë një ndryshim të menjëhershëm politik, protestat ndikuan në axhendën publike, rritën koston politike të vendimmarrjes dhe rikujtuan se legjitimiteti nuk buron vetëm nga zgjedhjet, por edhe nga aftësia e qytetarëve për të kërkuar llogari mes tyre.
In this sense, the greatest merit of the protesters is not necessarily measured by the change of government, but by the change of the political balance: they proved that power is not uncontested and that civil society can return as a factor in Albanian political life.
Third, a month of protests produced another development: traditional narratives are being consumed. The labels "enemy," "traitor," "agent," "autocrat," "non grata," "mercenary," or "anti-Albanian" have lost the power they once had. Albanians listen, but they no longer automatically obey. They demand proof, results, and accountability.
Fourthly; the international factor also became part of this new reality. Albanian politics continues to use it as a rhetorical weapon, but it is less and less able to monopolize it. The support of partners does not replace internal legitimacy, while rhetoric against strategic allies does not produce long-term political capital. Albania remains a country that cannot build its future by being in conflict with its partners, but neither by hiding behind them.
Fifth, the protest above all highlighted the fatigue of a political system that recycles the same protagonists, the same conflicts and the same justifications. The government blames the opposition. The opposition blames the government. While the citizen for 36 years continues to pay the bill for this endless cycle of recycling.
However, the new Albanian political reality is not anyone's triumph. It is the beginning of the end of the politics of comfort. The moment when the government understands that winning elections is not enough to gain trust, while the opposition understands that organizing protests is not enough to win the government.
Albania has entered a phase where the battle will no longer be fought only in squares or on television screens. It will be fought for credibility. For the ability to persuade. For the capacity to produce hope and not just anger and revolt.
I believe this is the real challenge of the coming months. Not who shouts the loudest, but who manages to give Albanians a reason to believe that politics can be something more than an endless struggle for power.
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