The vagabond Sali Berisha and the communist ambassador
From 1945 to 1990, we had a taboo to think about Europe, w...

On May 11, Albania's 11th parliamentary elections were held. Defined as an indispensable instrument in democracy and for political rotation, these elections did not achieve such a standard. On the contrary, they recycled for the fourth time in a row only one political force.
The question raised by the Albanian citizen, but also by the international factor, is: Has Albania become safer or more insecure? Because it is a universally accepted correlation: national security is linked to internal stability, and internal stability is conditioned by political elections.

Precisely, in the assessment of these elections, Albania has not become safer. First, these elections were attended by an undemocratic electoral reform, which was in the interest of only the two main parties and to the detriment of democracy .
Secondly, the entire election process was unfair to the other competing entities.
Thirdly, the vote counting process is showing that there are complaints about vote fraud, with the loudest and most aggressive internal anathemas being leveled against the SP and DP, which had members at all levels of the committees and counting groups . The question that will never be answered is: what happened to the votes of other entities that did not have any members on the committees and counting groups?!
From the standard applied in elections also flows trust in institutions, which is essential for national security. In this respect, it is a fact that the third mandate of the political force in power showed great compromise. I am convinced that in the fourth mandate this compromise will be even greater since it is a continuation of the first three mandates.
In Albania, elections were held on May 11th and the Parliament is performing its functions with the deputies of the previous legislature, which will continue until September, a full 4 months! As paradoxical as it is intentional for the possibility of abuse.
In Kosovo, although the political elections have been over for 4 months, the new Parliament has not yet been constituted, an unprecedented case in the democratic world. And this is happening precisely when the clouds over Kosovo's security remain dark : international recognitions have been halted; relations with major natural allies have been damaged; the security situation in the region is threatened by many actors and factors.
Intentionally or unintentionally, the fact is that, in both countries, a vacuum of legislative power has been created, which undoubtedly negatively influences national security.
In North Macedonia, the Ohrid Agreement seems to be being undermined by transforming it from a document that was supposed to guarantee fundamental equality between ethnic communities into a formal document. In practice, its function has been degraded to the political, economic, military and social representation of the Albanian entity. The Albanian language is being attacked, and Slavicization tendencies are being inspired on the one hand and de-factorization tendencies of Albanians on the other.
We are living in a historic time, when geopolitical balances are changing rapidly. A resizing of the geographic and geostrategic engagement of the US is expected, an increasingly different role for Europe and an increase in Russia's aggressiveness. Of course, these developments will bring a resizing of the presence and support from allies and partners. This was also emphasized these days by Christopher Landau, Deputy Secretary of the US Department of State on the 30th anniversary of the Dayton Agreement, an agreement concluded specifically for the Balkans, when he said that the US "does not provide unlimited means for unspecified, uncertain or unrealistic goals" and "we will work only with those who are committed with practical realism to their countries".
Of course, these will and should bring about a re-dimensioning of the Albanian national security policy. Albanian politicians should not think only about the next elections, but especially about future generations, about Albanian national security. If one thinks and acts in function of this obligation, that is, in function of national security, there is a way out, both in Albania and in Kosovo. In Albania, the way out is a transitional government with three goals: carrying out the necessary constitutional changes, reviewing the territorial division and democratic and transparent electoral reform, while in Kosovo, a compromise to create a government based on a broad coalition.
It is time to remember that the Albanian Kingdom, the only Albanian political regime that declared itself and truly worked for all Albanians, respecting political elections and institutions, which had voice and power, but above all respected the Albanian nation and national security.
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