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Why did Berisha turn to the SPAK journalists' cell?

2024-09-19 19:20:00, Opinione Andi Bushati

Why did Berisha turn to the SPAK journalists' cell?

Sali Berisha has not missed the opportunity to confirm himself as the king of half-truths. He has recently attacked those journalists who refer to the "deceptions" of SPAK's accusation against him on the screens. Dividing the Chronicle's reporters into two categories, the opposition leader invited those he knew to be honest to give his version of the elements of the 500-page file on the privatization of the Partizani club, while threatening the rest who refused to do so. that he would treat them with the same methods he uses for the members of the Special Prosecutor's Office.

In fact, on the one hand, Berisha is right. For some time now, the newest category of journalists and analysts, those who parrot SPAK, has been missing in the media. Just as the government, the opposition, even criminal groups or sports federations have their representatives infiltrated in our profession, SPAK has managed to build a ready brigade. If you watched some of the evening shows, after the publication of the indictment against Berisha, you would come across funny characters who had left logic at home, after entering the studio and without resorting to arguments, they mechanically repeated standard statements: "I am reporting what SPAK says". 

But, on the other hand, no matter how shocking this fact is, Sali Berisha cannot be considered a victim of this situation. First, because thanks to the advantages of being a former Minister of Justice, he has inherited a network of media that echo his arguments and attitudes. Secondly, because thanks to his personal aura, he attracts in every case an unimaginable multitude of microphones that convey his messages in full. Once he was released from house arrest to go to the Special Prosecutor's Office and all the televisions broadcast his views "Live", even those that exceeded the interest in the case. The daughter, Argita, is present almost every day on the screens, even in the hotbeds of Ramist propaganda, to dismantle the file of accusations brought against her husband and father.

So Berisha's defense arguments. not only have they not been censored, but they have been repeated to the viewers and readers with a density that rarely anyone is lucky enough to have. In relation to many other subjects of SPAK, from Ahmetaj, Beqja, Koka, Dako, etc., Berisha is more privileged. The former have been equally victims of the information released by SPAK's disinformation cell, but without having the opportunity to have the media available to defend their version.

In this sense, no matter how active the gang of Duman's auto-reporters is, the public is not denied the full picture of the event with the arguments for and against Berisha. Rather than the latter, those who are penalized are the people who want to know, who want to be honestly informed and learn the truth. They are the real victims of this story. And this has an explanation. Because a militant journalism has been practiced in Albania for a long time, with partisan actors who have given up on the sacred principle of at least two sources. This has led to the fact that, for the matter in question, in a news or in a television chronicle, you have either only the version of the SPAK Borizan cell, or that of Berisha's followers.

One side accuses that the privatization of the Partizani club started after Berisha came to power, the other side claims that it started during the Nano government. The former put emphasis on the signature of the former prime minister for the alienation of the sports grounds on construction land, the latter issue the document that this was done with the signature of the mayor Rama. Those who accuse note that the Property Restitution Agency was taken from the parliament and placed under the control of Berisha, those who defend themselves say that it continues to be so even today. The Spakists shout that the law was changed so that the property could be bought with securities, the Berishists insist that they did not benefit from this privilege since the transaction had already been completed. The most extremists accuse that Berisha, as prime minister, exerted influence in this process, the lawyers have the alibi that there is no evidence in the file that proves this. 

Between these extremely distant barricades what remains orphaned is the truth. Almost in the entire Albanian media, mainly as a result of militancy, there is a lack of any kind of fact check to go deeper into the claims of the accusers and the alibis of the defenders.

This is the core problem of this story, like tens of hundreds of others like it, that strip the media of their role as real informers of the great loser, which is the public. And at this point, Berisha may really be right, when he points the finger at the gang of SPAK car dealers. They do not honor the profession of journalism, as they have betrayed it. But the former prime minister is not in the best position to act as a whistleblower. He himself is a proponent of promoting half-truths and one of the people responsible for the existence of a system where partisanship drowns out objective information. This is seen once again in the case of the indictment against him. ©Lapsi.al





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