Magyar rapidly "dismantles" Orban's state/ Radical changes to the Constitution of Hungary

2026-07-17 10:36:00, Kosova & Bota CNA

Magyar rapidly "dismantles" Orban's state/ Radical changes to the

Viktor Orbán had taken measures in case he lost power — at least that's what he thought. Many key positions in the state and administration of Hungary had been filled by his government with loyal people for years, and their dismissal had been linked to a parliamentary decision with a two-thirds majority. In this way, Orbán wanted to perpetuate some institutions. The calculation behind this: the work of every other government had to be sabotaged as much as possible. Behind the scenes, Orbán would be able to decide — even when he was not prime minister.

What the deposed autocrat did not foresee on April 12 was the crushing defeat of his Fidesz (Union of Young Democrats) party and the historically high two-thirds majority of the opposition Tisza (Respect and Freedom) party. From this majority, Hungary's new prime minister, Peter Magyar, and his parliamentary group are profiting handsomely and dismantling Orbán's system at a rapid pace. Magyar calls this "Operation Purgatory."

The most important part of it was implemented on Monday (13.07.2026) — just two months after coming to power. On Monday evening, the Hungarian parliament voted on sweeping constitutional changes that Magyar and his government had proposed in late June.

On the one hand, they force important officials of the Orban system to leave their posts, including President Tamas Sulyok and four constitutional judges. Peter Magyar had repeatedly called Sulyok and others such as the president of the Constitutional Court, Peter Polt, "Orban's puppets", and had warned during the campaign that he would see to their dismissal.

On the other hand, the constitutional amendments reverse the most serious violations of the rule of law that Orbán had ordered. Thus, for example, the Constitutional Court regains its original powers and the independence of the judiciary is strengthened overall. The number of laws that can only be amended by a two-thirds majority is limited. In addition, an agency for the recovery of illegally acquired assets is established. And finally, the deputies will exercise their mandate for three multiple legislatures.

How far is it allowed to go?

The question of whether populist and autocratic regimes can be dismantled and whether democracy can be restored has been vigorously debated in the EU at least since Orbán's accession in 2010 — also from the perspective of how far it is permissible or necessary to go to eradicate injustice.

Qeveria e Peter Magyarit, kjo mund të thuhet pas dy muajsh, është çdo gjë tjetër veç jo e druajtur. Ajo po tregon me shpejtësi të madhe se si mund të veprohet — sepse, ndryshe nga qeveria e Donald Tuskut në Poloni, e ka shumicën e nevojshme. Njëkohësisht, në partinë Tisza, por edhe te një pjesë e madhe e hungarezëve, ekziston vullneti politik për një larje rrënjësore të hesapeve me regjimin e Orbanit.

Atmosfera i ngjan asaj në disa vende të Evropës Qendrore dhe Juglindore në vitin e ndryshimit 1989 — në Hungari flitet shpesh për një "ndryshim sistemi". E kuptueshme, sepse Orbani dhe një rreth i ngushtë pushteti rreth tij sunduan për 16 vjet me një vetëkënaqësi dhe arbitraritet që shumë hungarezë në fund i ndienë gjithnjë e më shumë si të padurueshme. Në këto rrethana edhe çmontimi rrënjësor i shtetit të Orbanit shfaqet në një dritë tjetër nga sa do të shfaqej në kushte të zakonshme.

Peter Magyar u dha të hënën një përgjigje mohuese të gjitha shqetësimeve ndaj ndryshimeve kushtetuese. Do të ishte "tradhti ndaj kombit hungarez po të mos e preknim Kushtetutën e tanishme", sepse ajo është "dokumenti bazë i Cosa Nostra-s" - sistemit mafioz që kishin ngritur partia e Orbanit, Fidesz, dhe Partia e vogël Popullore Kristiandemokrate (KDNP) e lidhur me të.

Vërtet, gjatë një dekade e gjysmë të fundit Orbani e kishte përshtatur Kushtetutën sipas nevojave të veta — deri në detaje që, sipas shumë juristëve kushtetues, s'kanë pse të gjenden fare në një ligj themelor.

Orbani shpall fundin e demokracisë

Grupet parlamentare të partisë së Orbanit, Fidesz, dhe të KDNP-së e bojkotuan seancën e parlamentit të hënën dhe nuk morën pjesë në votim. Që prej disa ditësh Orbani dhe politikanë të tjerë të Fideszit kishin folur për një "fund të demokracisë dhe të shtetit të së drejtës në Hungari", që vjen me ndryshimet kushtetuese.

Një thirrjeje të Fideszit për një manifestim proteste në Budapest iu përgjigjën të enjten e kaluar (09.07.2026) vetëm disa mijëra veta. Një kontrast i fortë me dhjetëra deri në qindra mijëra të mëparshmit, që shkonin në tubimet e Fideszit - shpesh të detyruar nga pushteti shtetëror i Orbanit.

Por shenjat e shpërbërjes në kampin e Orbanit vazhdojnë me ritëm të vrullshëm edhe përtej kësaj. Pak para votimit të hënën, kryetari i grupit parlamentar të Fideszit, Gergely Gulyas, dikur numri tre në hierarkinë e pushtetit të Orbanit, dha dorëheqjen. Ai nuk ishte më në gjendje ta drejtonte grupin, tha Gulyas. Ndërkaq vetë Viktor Orbani, që pas disfatës dërrmuese kishte hequr dorë nga mandati i deputetit, por pak javë më parë ishte rizgjedhur kryetar i Fideszit, ndodhej rrugës për në Kampionatin Botëror të futbollit në SHBA.

Ish-kryeministri jashtë loje

Many observers therefore spoke of the fact that the former prime minister had let his party and his supporters down. "Viktor Orbán is pushing himself right out of the political game," commented the Telex portal. Political scientist Gabor Török wrote on Facebook: "Orbán should not have traveled to the World Cup if he thought democracy in Hungary was over." In fact, according to Török, it was more Orbán's political myth that had ended.

Indeed — at least for now — almost no independent observers in Hungary believe that a second autocracy would begin with the government of Peter Magyar. But some lawyers and civil rights organizations in Hungary are raising concerns about some of the constitutional changes, as well as the pace at which they are being implemented.

The Helsinki Committee and the Association for Freedom of Rights (TASZ), for example, criticize the limitation of deputies to three terms. TASZ has reservations even though the constitutional passages against sexual and ethnic minorities were not changed.

Criticism of the campaign against the president

In the case of Magyar's campaign against the president, public opinion is divided. Tamás Sulyoku is unpopular and has himself stubbornly remained silent even in the face of the most serious deviations of the Orbán regime. Therefore, many observers believe that it is morally legitimate to demand his resignation. But Magyar should not use the same methods as Orbán, for example, making constitutional changes specifically calibrated against certain individuals, warns Amnesty International Hungary, among others.

For Sulyok, there are essentially two options now: he can sign the constitutional amendments within five days — and thus seal his own departure from office. If he delays signing, Péter Magyar's government could seek impeachment proceedings. Then the speaker of parliament, Agnes Forsthoffer, would automatically take over as interim president and could sign the constitutional amendments, which would then enter into force.

Meanwhile, Peter Magyar warned — this is also a campaign promise — that the current constitutional changes are only a kind of much-needed temporary step: a detailed debate on a completely new fundamental law for Hungary will begin in the fall. /DW