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Suddenly, Ukraine and Russia are preparing for the first direct peace talks since the spring of 2022, when negotiations that began immediately after Moscow's full invasion of Ukraine broke down.
The road to the talks expected to take place in Turkey on May 15 has been short.
On May 7, US Vice President JD Vance said that direct negotiations between Russia and Ukraine are a priority.
On May 10, European leaders joined Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in calling for a thirty-day ceasefire to begin on May 12, warning Russia of additional sanctions if it did not comply.
In a statement, Russian President Vladimir Putin attempted to turn the situation around, calling for direct talks in Turkey on May 15 and saying a ceasefire could only be achieved through negotiations.
That passed the ball to Ukraine, and Zelensky hit back: He said he would be in Turkey on May 15 and challenged Putin to show up for a face-to-face meeting, their first in more than five years.
With the deadline looming, details are scarce. Here are some of the key questions: Who will participate, what can be achieved, who will be blamed if there is no result?
Who will attend?
Zelensky is the only leader who has confirmed he will be in Turkey on May 15.
His announcement poses a challenge to Putin, who has often claimed that Zelensky is illegitimate because his five-year term would have ended about a year ago, after new presidential elections.
This provocative claim ignores the fact that Ukraine has been under martial law since the start of the full Russian occupation in February 2022, which prohibits holding elections.
The meeting with Zelensky could be seen as a recognition of his legitimacy, undermining one of the Kremlin's main false narratives about Ukraine: that the current leadership is the legacy of a Western-backed coup against the pro-Moscow government in 2014.
It would also underscore Putin's failure to achieve one of the main objectives of the 2022 invasion, the ouster of Zelensky and the installation of a pro-Russian government.
If he does not meet with Zelensky, it would open the door to accusations that he is afraid to do so.
The Ukrainian president, who has made this claim before, increased the pressure on May 13, with Reuters citing an anonymous adviser to Zelensky as saying he would meet only with Putin.
Adding to the pressure on Putin is the possibility that Trump will also appear in Turkey.
"I was thinking about flying there. I don't know where I'll be on Thursday," the US president said on May 12, before departing for a four-day visit to the Middle East.
“Ka një mundësi, ndoshta, nëse mendoj se gjërat mund të ndodhin”, tha Trump.
Çfarë mund të arrihet?
Pavarësisht nëse Putin merr pjesë apo jo, analistët thonë se Rusia ka pak gjasa të bëjë lëshime apo të tërhiqet nga qëndrimet e saj të kahershme.
Putin e sugjeroi këtë kur thirri gazetarët rusë në Kremlin, ku kërkoi bisedime të drejtpërdrejta në Turqi më 15 maj; ndër të tjera, ai i paraqiti këto bisedime si një vazhdim i negociatave që u zhvilluan pjesërisht në Stamboll në vitin 2022, kur Rusia kërkonte, mes të tjerash, një premtim për neutralitet të përhershëm nga Kievi dhe kufizime të rrepta në forcat dhe kapacitetet ushtarake të Ukrainës.
“Rusia nuk do të pranojë një armëpushim 30 ditor” dhe “do të përpiqet të rikthejë formatin e vjetër të Stambollit për të negociuar kufizime të ashpra mbi sovranitetin e Ukrainës dhe bashkëpunimin e saj me Perëndimin. Ukraina do ta refuzojë këtë”, shkroi analisti rus i politikës së jashtme, Vladimir Frolov, në platformën X.
Që nga bisedimet e vitit 2022, Rusia ka shtuar kërkesat e saj për territorin ukrainas, duke përsëritur se për çdo marrëveshje paqeje që të jetësohet, Kievi dhe Perëndimi duhet të pranojnë kontrollin rus mbi katër rajone të Ukrainës që Putini i shpalli njëanshëm si pjesë të Rusisë në shtator 2022: Donjeck, Luhansk, Zaporizhia dhe Herson.
Thirrja e Putinit për negociata të drejtpërdrejta nënkupton se ai “sheh një mundësi për ta futur Ukrainën në një proces ‘Stambolli 2’, që i ngjan shumë bisedimeve të mars-prill 2022, për të ndjekur të njëjtat objektiva, tani përfshirë edhe territoret e aneksuara rishtazi”, shkroi Tatyana Stanovaya, një studiuese e lartë në Qendrën Carnegie për Rusinë dhe Euroazinë në Berlin.
“Realiteti është se as Moska dhe as Kievi nuk janë gati të pajtohen për një paqe të qëndrueshme, pasi pozicionet e tyre janë thelbësisht të papajtueshme”, shtoi ajo, duke theksuar se “iniciativa amerikane për të ndërmjetësuar një marrëveshje është e destinuar të dështojë, të paktën në këtë fazë”.
Kurt Volker, ish-ambasador amerikan në NATO dhe ish-përfaqësues special i Trumpit për negociatat në Ukrainë gjatë mandatit të tij të parë, gjithashtu sugjeroi se një përparim i shpejtë është i pamundur.
“Kjo do të jetë një proces i gjatë. Putini ende duket se beson se mund të arrijë kërkesat e tij maksimaliste”, tha Volker, tani studiues i lartë në Qendrën për Analiza të Politikave Evropiane në Uashington.
Kush do të fajësohet nëse bisedimet dështojnë?
Që kur Trump e nisi mandatin e dytë me përpjekje për të ndërmjetësuar një fund për luftën më të madhe në Evropë që nga viti 1945, diçka që ai ka thënë se mund ta arrijë për një ose dy ditë, Rusia dhe Ukraina janë përpjekur të paraqiten si pala konstruktive dhe ta fajësojnë tjetrën si pengesë për paqen.
Kjo ishte prapaskena e aktivitetit intensiv në ditët e fundit, dhe me shumë gjasë përpjekjet e tyre do të dyfishohen nëse bisedimet në Turqi nëse mbahen nuk sjellin përparim.
Early in his term, Trump seemed to see Ukraine primarily as the party obstructing peace, a perception that culminated in a visible clash in the Oval Office during Zelensky's visit to the White House on February 28.
The Trump administration has shown more frustration with Russia in recent weeks than ever before. On April 28, Trump said he wanted Putin to “stop shooting, sit down and sign a deal,” while Vance said on May 7 that Russia was “asking too much.”
On May 11, when he urged Ukraine to accept “immediately” Putin’s proposal for talks in Turkey, Trump added: “At least they will be able to determine if a deal is possible, and if not, European leaders and the US will know where everything stands, and can act accordingly!”
This suggests that if the talks fail and the US designates one party as particularly responsible, this could have serious consequences, for example, for future aid to Ukraine, or for sanctions against Russia, which appears to be interested in improving relations with the US.
However, Stanovaya says that barring an internal upheaval in Russia or a major breakthrough on the battlefield by Ukraine, which currently seems unlikely, external pressure on Moscow, such as tougher sanctions, will not change Putin's stance./ REL
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