Does this country have men?

2023-06-19 19:12:00, Opinione Ekrem Spahiu

Ekrem Spahiu

Albanians are not a nation that is afraid of others, or feel inferior to others. But the time is to seek and find strength from themselves, the strength of the men of the nation; who are motivated for future generations, not for future votes; that put the national interest before any other interest; who know how to orient themselves precisely in critical situations such as Kosovo is in today; who know how to build communication, not quarrel among themselves. Moreover, to be asked by statesmen and natural allies of Albanians, not to be shunned by them.

The common Albanian homeland needs exactly such men.

After 15 years as an independent state, Kosovo is once again at a critical moment. A quarter of a century ago, it found itself at a critical, but ultimately life-or-death juncture. Then, the USA and Europe, and the Albanians naturally with them, managed to do the historical task: they fought perhaps the biggest war for reasons of Western values: the liberation of Kosovo from the century-long barbaric Serbian rule and the punishment of the most brutal ethnic cleansing of modern times carried out by the Milosevic regime.

The Albanians had done this historic task at another critical moment in that distant year 1878 when, in the National Assembly, in Prizren, they pledged allegiance, wills and arms for national unity in the common Albanian homeland. As if they gave a firm message to Europe that they were together and that Europe should not forget that precisely the united Albanians, five centuries ago, had become its protective wall.

The Albanians had done this historic task even in 1912, when the Albanian lands were tried to be finally dismembered by the Balkan neighbors. And this time, all Albanians, from Mitrovica to Çamëri, did their duty in Vlora where they declared the common Albanian homeland free and independent. This time, in alliance with at least half of Europe.

The period between the two world wars was no less critical, where Albania again risked being dismembered. It was an American statesman, Woodrow Wilson, who saved it so as not to erase it from the maps. But there was also an Albanian statesman like King Zog, who made the wisest solution after that long instability of almost 15 years: he gave Albania the state, the fundamental instrument to feel equal between the nations and to solve, after this step, any other national obligation, such as the national union, which he codified in the Basic Statute of the Kingdom. As he also did the other wise solution: securing the support of the USA, whose government recognized him from the first under the title "King of the Albanians" and which Ahmet Zogu assured "... the deepest gratitude for this act of friendship cordially towards me personally and for the Albanian people...", which he demonstrated even with the selection for the creation of the royal family.

Today, Kosovo is at a similar critical point. Where other national aspects have obscured the fundamental perspective: international recognition. Where there is no unification or understanding with Albania, proven as a strategic ally of the USA, a member of NATO and a candidate for EU membership. While this same Albania is bound by constitutional obligation as the mother state for the national issue, which is expressed in the preamble of the Constitution "... with the centuries-old aspiration of the Albanian people for national identity and unity". An obligation that he implemented during the period of terror and genocide of Serbia in Kosovo, when the entire Albanian political spectrum declared publicly and unanimously under the motto: "One nation - one attitude".

The current situation in Kosovo calls for the call "One nation - one attitude" to be evoked once again. The Albanian state, in addition to its natural positions as a NATO ally, has the obligation to appear with a national position, not only declarative, not only governmental, but nationwide. For such supra-party interests, any position and any opposition, leave aside the party political interests, or the mutual "war", to convey a common message which could be a "Resolution of the Assembly of Albania".

For such nationwide strategic interests, the statesmen of Albania and Kosovo should have found and should find that golden space, which lies above narrow jealousies, to discuss nationwide the most rational alternatives for national security and future.

These objectives are not achieved when the cart is put before the horse, when sovereignty is put before economic and military power. Not even when sovereignty is put before international recognition. When these major reports are ignored, policemen are taken hostage today, and not that dignity is not shown, no more power. What about tomorrow, when even wilder striking projects can be put into play?

Albanians are not a nation that is afraid of others, or feel inferior to others. But the time is to seek and find strength from themselves, the strength of the men of the nation; who are motivated for future generations, not for future votes; that put the national interest before any other interest; who know how to orient themselves precisely in critical situations such as Kosovo is in today; who know how to build communication, not quarrel among themselves. Moreover, to be asked by statesmen and natural allies of Albanians, not to be shunned by them.

The common Albanian homeland needs exactly such men.